According to the view of the writers to whom we refer, it has frequently
happened that one Commander has offered battle to the other, and the
latter has not accepted it.

But the battle is a very modified duel, and its foundation is not merely
in the mutual wish to fight, that is in consent, but in the objects
which are bound up with the battle: these belong always to a greater
whole, and that so much the more, as even the whole war considered as
a "combat-unit" has political objects and conditions which belong to a
higher standpoint. The mere desire to conquer each other therefore falls
into quite a subordinate relation, or rather it ceases completely to be
anything of itself, and only becomes the nerve which conveys the impulse
of action from the higher will.

Amongst the ancients, and then again during the early period of standing
Armies, the expression that we had offered battle to the enemy in vain,
had more sense in it than it has now. By the ancients everything was
constituted with a view to measuring each other's strength in the open
field free from anything in the nature of a hindrance,(*) and the whole
Art of War consisted in the organisation, and formation of the Army,
that is in the order of battle.

(*) Note the custom of sending formal challenges, fix time
and place for action, and "enhazelug" the battlefield in
Anglo-Saxon times.--ED.

Now as their Armies regularly entrenched themselves in their camps,
therefore the position in a camp was regarded as something unassailable,
and a battle did not become possible until the enemy left his camp, and
placed himself in a practicable country, as it were entered the lists.

If therefore we hear about Hannibal having offered battle to Fabius
in vain, that tells us nothing more as regards the latter than that
a battle was not part of his plan, and in itself neither proves the
physical nor moral superiority of Hannibal; but with respect to him the
expression is still correct enough in the sense that Hannibal really
wished a battle.

In the early period of modern Armies, the relations were similar in
great combats and battles. That is to say, great masses were brought
into action, and managed throughout it by means of an order of battle,
which like a great helpless whole required a more or less level plain
and was neither suited to attack, nor yet to defence in a broken, close
or even mountainous country. The defender therefore had here also to
some extent the means of avoiding battle. These relations although
gradually becoming modified, continued until the first Silesian War, and
it was not until the Seven Years' War that attacks on an enemy posted in a
difficult country gradually became feasible, and of ordinary occurrence:
ground did not certainly cease to be a principle of strength to those
making use of its aid, but it was no longer a charmed circle, which shut
out the natural forces of War.

During the past thirty years War has perfected itself much more in this
respect, and there is no longer anything which stands in the way of a
General who is in earnest about a decision by means of battle; he can
seek out his enemy, and attack him: if he does not do so he cannot
take credit for having wished to fight, and the expression he offered
a battle which his opponent did not accept, therefore now means nothing
more than that he did not find circumstances advantageous enough for a
battle, an admission which the above expression does not suit, but which
it only strives to throw a veil over.

It is true the defensive side can no longer refuse a battle, yet he may
still avoid it by giving up his position, and the role with which that
position was connected: this is however half a victory for the offensive
side, and an acknowledgment of his superiority for the present.

This idea in connection with the cartel of defiance can therefore no
longer be made use of in order by such rhodomontade to qualify the
inaction of him whose part it is to advance, that is, the offensive. The
defender who as long as he does not give way, must have the credit of
willing the battle, may certainly say, he has offered it if he is not
attacked, if that is not understood of itself.

But on the other hand, he who now wishes to, and can retreat cannot
easily be forced to give battle. Now as the advantages to the aggressor
from this retreat are often not sufficient, and a substantial victory
is a matter of urgent necessity for him, in that way the few means
which there are to compel such an opponent also to give battle are often
sought for and applied with particular skill.

The principal means for this are--first SURROUNDING the enemy so as to
make his retreat impossible, or at least so difficult that it is better
for him to accept battle; and, secondly, SURPRISING him. This last way,
for which there was a motive formerly in the extreme difficulty of all
movements, has become in modern times very inefficacious.

From the pliability and manoeuvring capabilities of troops in the
present day, one does not hesitate to commence a retreat even in sight
of the enemy, and only some special obstacles in the nature of the
country can cause serious difficulties in the operation.

As an example of this kind the battle of Neresheim may be given, fought
by the Archduke Charles with Moreau in the Rauhe Alp, August 11, 1796,
merely with a view to facilitate his retreat, although we freely confess
we have never been able quite to understand the argument of the renowned
general and author himself in this case.

The battle of Rosbach(*) is another example, if we suppose the commander
of the allied army had not really the intention of attacking Frederick
the Great.

(*) November 5, 1757.

Of the battle of Soor,(*) the King himself says that it was only
fought because a retreat in the presence of the enemy appeared to him
a critical operation; at the same time the King has also given other
reasons for the battle.

(*) Or Sohr, September 30, 1745.

On the whole, regular night surprises excepted, such cases will always
be of rare occurrence, and those in which an enemy is compelled to fight
by being practically surrounded, will happen mostly to single corps
only, like Mortier's at Durrenstein 1809, and Vandamme at Kulm, 1813.